Monday, 13 November 2017

The Perils of Indifference



November 12, 2017 – I attended the Remembrance Day Sunday church parade outside our local parish church today. There was a good attendance, which meant that I couldn’t see anything of what was happening at the front. I could see (the tops of) the flags being lowered for two minutes silence and I could hear the sound of the bugler’s Last Post and The Rouse. Other than that, I was like everyone else who attended – lost for a few moments in my own thoughts, and then it was over. The comforting words ‘We shall remember them’ were put away for use again next year. Truly, funerals and memorials are for the living, not the dead.
The throng dispersed to attend to whatever needed attention and the rest of the world continued to bomb, maim, kill, destroy, cheat, lie, starve, and execute whoever disagreed with the local and national tyrants. But that’s OK. We have remembered them.
When I returned home I looked in my library for a speech made in 1999 – not that long ago – by a man named Elie Wiesel, born 89 years ago in Transylvania (Romania), rose to become Andrew W. Mellon Professor in the Humanities at Boston University.
He was awarded the Nobel Peace prize in 1986 and, with his wife, Marion, he founded the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity. It’s likely that many of you reading this have never heard of him.
Read on, please. What he said in 1999 seems to me to be both illuminating and appropriate.
(Michael)


“The perils of indifference.”
By Elie Wiesel (Sept 30 1928 – July 2 2016)
Seventh White House Millennium Evening, Washington, 12 April 1999,
Addressing President Clinton and Members of the US Congress.



“Fifty-four years ago to the day a young Jewish boy from a small town in the Carpathian Mountains woke up, not far from Goethe’s beloved Weimar, in a place of eternal infamy called Buchenwald. He was finally free, but there was no joy in his heart. He thought there never would be again. Liberated a day earlier by American soldiers, he remembers their rage at what they saw. And even if he lives to be a very old man, he will always be grateful to them for that rage, and also for their compassion. Though he did not understand their language, their eyes told him what he needed to know – that they, too, would remember, and bear witness. . . . 

“We are on the threshold of a new century, a new millennium. What will the legacy of this vanishing century be?  How will it be remembered in the new millennium? Surely it will be judged, and judged severely, in both moral and metaphysical terms. These failures have cast a dark shadow over humanity: two World Wars, countless civil wars, the senseless chain of assassinations (Gandhi, the Kennedys, Martin Luther King, Sadat, Rabin), bloodbaths in Cambodia and Nigeria, India and Pakistan, Ireland and Rwanda, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sarajevo and Kosovo; the inhumanity in the gulag and the tragedy of Hiroshima. And, on a different level, of course, Auschwitz and Treblinka. So much violence; so much indifference.

What is indifference? Etymologically, the word means ‘no difference’. A strange and unnatural state in which the lines blur between light and darkness, dusk and dawn, crime and punishment, cruelty and compassion, good and evil. What are its courses and inescapable consequences? Is it a philosophy? Is there a philosophy of indifference conceivable? Can one possibly view indifference as a virtue? Is it necessary at times to practise it simply to keep one’s sanity, live normally, enjoy a fine meal and a glass of wine, as the world around us experiences harrowing upheavals?

‘Indifference is always the friend of the enemy.’

“Of course, indifference can be tempting – more than that, seductive. It is so much easier to look away from victims. It is so much easier to avoid such rude interruptions to our work, our dreams, and our hopes. It is, after all, awkward, troublesome, to be involved in another person’s pain and despair. Yet, for the person who is indifferent, his or her neighbours are of no consequences. And, therefore, their lives are meaningless. Their hidden or even visible anguish is of no interest. Indifference reduces the other to an abstraction.

Over there, behind the black gates of Auschwitz, the most tragic of all prisoners were the Muselmänner, as they were called.  Wrapped in their torn blankets, they would sit or lie on the ground, staring vacantly into space, unaware of who or where they were – strangers to their surroundings. They no longer felt pain, hunger, thirst. They feared nothing. They felt nothing. They were dead and did not know it.

‘When adults wage war, children perish.’

“Rooted in our tradition, some of us felt that to be abandoned by humanity then was not the ultimate. We felt that to be abandoned by God was worse than to be punished by Him. Better an unjust God than an indifferent one. For us to be ignored by God was a harsher punishment than to be a victim of His anger. Man can live far from God – not outside God. God is wherever we are. Even in suffering?  Even in suffering.

In a way, to be indifferent to that suffering is what makes the human being inhuman. Indifference, after all, is more dangerous than anger and hatred. Anger can at times be creative. One writes a great poem, a great symphony. One does something special for the sake of humanity because one is angry at the injustice that one witnesses. But indifference is never creative. Even hatred at times ma elicit a response. You fight it. You denounce it. You disarm it.
Indifference elicits no response. Indifference is not a response. Indifference is not a beginning; it is an end. And, therefore, indifference is always the friend of the enemy, for it benefits the aggressor – never his victim, whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten. The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children, the homeless refugees – not to respond to their plight, not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope is to exile them from human memory. And in denying their humanity, we betray our own.

Indifference, then, is not only a sin, it is a punishment.

And this is one of the most important lessons of this outgoing century’s wide-ranging experiments in good and evil.

In the place that I come from, society was composed of three simple categories: the killers, the victims, and the bystanders. During the darkest of times, inside the ghettoes and death camps – and I’m glad that Mrs Clinton mentioned that we are now commemorating that event, that period, that we are now in the Days of Remembrance – but then, we felt abandoned, forgotten. All of us did.

And our only miserable consolation was that we believed that Auschwitz and Treblinka were closely guarded secrets; that the leaders of the free world did not know what was going on behind those black gates and barbed wire; that they had no knowledge of the war against the Jews that Hitler’s armies and their accomplices waged as part of the war against the Allies. If they knew, we thought, surely those leaders would have moved heaven and earth to intervene. They would have spoken out with great outrage and conviction. They would have bombed the railways leading to Birkenau, just the railways, just once.

And now we knew, we learned, we discovered that the Pentagon knew, the State Department knew. . . . . 

. . . . The depressing tale of the ‘St Louis’ is a case in point. Sixty years ago, its human cargo – nearly 1,000 Jews – was turned back to Nazi Germany. And that happened after the Kristallnacht, after the first state sponsored pogrom, with hundreds of Jewish shops destroyed, synagogues burned, thousands of people put in concentration camps. And that ship, which was already on the shores of the United States, was sent back. I don’t understand. Roosevelt was a good man, with a heart.  He understood those who needed help. Why didn’t he allow these refugees to disembark? A thousand people – in America - the great country, the greatest democracy, the most generous of all new nations in modern history. What happened? I don’t understand. Why the indifference, on the highest level, to the suffering of the victims?

But then, there were human beings who were sensitive to our tragedy. Those non-Jews, those Christians, that we call the ‘Righteous Gentiles’, who’s selfless acts of heroism saved the honour of their faith. Why were they so few? Why was there a greater effort to save SS murders after the war than to save their victims during the war?  Why did some of America’s largest corporations continue to do business with Hitler’s Germany until 1942? It has been suggested, and it was documented, that the Wehrmacht could not have conducted its invasion of France without oil obtained from American sources. How is one to explain their indifference?

And yet, my friends, good things have also happened in this traumatic century: the defeat of Nazism, the collapse of Communism, the rebirth of Israel on its ancestral soil, the demise of apartheid, Israel’s peace treaty with Egypt, the peace accord in Ireland. And let us remember the meeting, filled with drama and emotion, between Rabin and Arafat that you, Mr President, convened in this very place. It was here and I will never forget it.

And then, of course, the joint decision of the United States and NATO to intervene in Kosovo and save those victims, those refugees, those who were uprooted by a man, whom I believe that because of his crimes, should be charged with crimes against humanity.

‘Together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope.’

“But this time, the world was not silent. This time, we do respond. This time we intervene.

Does it mean that we have learned from the past? Does it mean that society has changed? Has the human being become less indifferent and more human? Have we really learned from our experiences? Are we less insensitive to the plight of victims of ethnic cleansing and other forms of injustices in places near and far? Is today’s justified intervention in Kosovo, led by you, Mr President, a lasting warning that never again will the deportation, the terrorization of children and their parents, be allowed anywhere in the world? Will it discourage other dictators in other lands to do the same?

What about the children? Oh, we see them on television, we read about them in the papers, and we do so with a broken heart. Their fate is always the most tragic, inevitably. When adults wage war, children perish. We see their faces, their eyes. Do we hear their pleas? Do we feel their pain, their agony? Every minute one of them dies of disease, violence, famine. Some of them – many of them – could be saved.

And so, once again, I think of the young Jewish boy from the Carpathian Mountains. He has accompanied the old man I have become throughout these years of quest and struggle. And together we walk towards the new millennium, carried by profound fear and extraordinary hope?
(ends)

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The definition of Hope in one book is ‘the feeling that what is wanted can be had or that events will turn out for the best’. Another book uses the word ‘faith’ alongside the words ‘hope’ and ‘love’ and that word has been interpreted as being a composite of ‘knowledge, assent and trust’, which is a step further than hope, I think.

Then the writer offered an explanation: “Let us say that you are visiting someone's home and they ask you to sit down. First, you look over and acknowledge that there is indeed a chair. This is knowledge. Second, you accept the fact that you could sit in this chair and it would hold you up. That is assent. Finally, you walk over to the chair and sit down in it. That is trust. It is in this third aspect of faith that you exercise and complete your faith.”
I wonder if that was what Elie Wiesel meant?

- - - -

Some years ago, in the course of my work, I visited Amman, Jordan. There a colleague invited me to his home for dinner and there, at dinner, I met his father who was at one time a surgeon or doctor/physician to the late King Hussein. For me, it was a most uncomfortable evening.

The conversation turned effortlessly to the plight of those in Gaza. My colleague’s father wasn’t the least bit indifferent to their circumstances. On the contrary, when the subject of the Balfour Declaration (1917) came into the conversation, I was told in no uncertain terms that it was virtually my personal fault, largely because I’m British and handy. It was all I could do not to leave the table and leave the home. But that would have been petulant. Better to let the man speak (vent his spleen) and not cause further offence, which is what happened.

The moral of this story? The world runs on ‘I’m right, you/they are wrong’ attitudes. To the victor goes the spoils and they call the shots, so to speak. SEND HER VICTORIOUS has a whole new meaning when looked at from this perspective. ‘Forgive us our trespasses (in the same way) as we forgive those who trespass against us’ becomes an indictment rather than a prayer. We would do well to be careful what we ask for.

Whatever else happens, let us NOT BE INDIFFERENT. I’m all right, Jack; Not In My Back Yard; I’ve got Mine - are just the tip of the iceberg. The rest of it is underneath, out of sight.

So, let us NOT be indifferent when:
(1) Politicians lie, and we know it and could do something about it.
(2) When lawyers and judges lie, and we know it and could do something about it.
(3) When jobs-worth officials try to block our freedoms (immediately after we’ve just had a moment or two remembering those who fought to give us our freedoms and didn’t come back home to tell us their story, and we know it and could do something about it.
(4) When our neighbour is hurting over something he/she can’t talk about and we know it and could do something about it.
(5) When we meet hypocrisy, lies, theft, and (for want of a better word) wickedness, and we know it and could do something about it.

LET US NOT BE INDIFFERENT

Let us DO something different

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Thursday, 9 November 2017

What if? and What next?



9 November 2017 – I attended a family funeral yesterday to bid farewell to the last of my several aunts and uncles, all of whom were born before 1930. I reminisced with cousins and friends about the things we have in common which grew out of those dark, dark days, Roaring Twenties notwithstanding.

This week many of us will be silent at some point to acknowledge the debt we owe to those who fell in two Great Wars, and many, too many, more wars since. The wars go on without end, it seems. As do governments that are made up of liars to the people, thus proving again that there is nothing new under the sun.
(Michael)


What to do?

By (retired Judge) Andrew P. Napolitano
November 9, 2017
What if the government doesn’t really deliver for us? What if its failures to protect our lives, liberties and property are glaring? What if nothing changes after these failures?

What if the National Security Agency (here you should begin to translate into English - Michael) — the federal British government’s domestic spying apparatus — has convinced Congress Parliament that it needs to cut constitutional corners in order to spy on as many people in America Britain as possible? What if Congress has bought that argument and passed a statute that put a secret court between the NSA and its appetite for all electronically transmitted data in America? What if that secret court — called the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court — is supposed to protect personal liberty but instead has become a wall behind which the NSA hides?

What if the Constitution only permits warrants for searches and seizures that are based on probable cause of crime? What if the Constitution requires that all warrants for searches and seizures specifically describe the place to be searched or the person or thing to be seized? What if the courts have ruled that electronic surveillance constitutes a search and seizure within the meaning of the Constitution?


What if the FISC issues warrants based on a lesser standard than probable cause of crime? What if its standard is probable cause of speaking with or knowing someone who has spoken with a foreign person? What if this is such an absurd and loose standard that it violates the Constitution and ends up protecting no one except the spies who pretend to employ it?

What if the FISC is a facade? What if the NSA spies on all people all the time while hiding behind FISC-issued warrants? What if the stated purpose of spying on everyone all the time is to keep us safe from terrorist acts by trading liberty for security? What if that trade has never worked?

What if the NSA has convinced President Donald Trump and his immediate two predecessors that it needs to spy on everyone in America to keep us safe, no matter what the Constitution says? What if those three presidents have bought that argument?

What if NSA spying is really done without any warrants? What if this spying captures in real time every keystroke on every computer and hand-held device — as well as the content of every email, text message, telephone call and fiber-optic cable transmission — in the United States 24/7?

What if NSA computers have direct and unimpeded access to all mainframe computers of all telecoms and computer service providers in the U.S.? What if the acquisition of all this data is known in the intelligence community as bulk surveillance?


What if the Constitution is the supreme law of the land? What if the Constitution, with its requirement of warrants based on probable cause and specifically identifying targets, expressly prohibits bulk surveillance? What if bulk surveillance is not only unconstitutional but also useless because it produces information overload — too much data to sift through in a timely manner?

What if President Trump and his immediate two predecessors have unleashed the NSA to acquire all communications data about everyone in America even though it’s obvious that the NSA cannot possibly sift through it all in a timely enough manner to keep us safe?

What if the Islamic State-inspired extremist who drove a rental truck on a New York City bicycle and pedestrian path and killed eight people last week did a dry run of his killing plans the week before? What if one of his own cellphones recorded portions of the dry run? What if the NSA had that recording but did not notice it until after the attack?

What if the same killer who drove the rental truck stored 90 video clips of other Islamic State-inspired killings on a cellphone? What if the NSA had those videos but did not notice them until after the attack?

What if the same killer who drove that rental truck also stored nearly 4,000 photos of Islamic State atrocities on a cellphone and the NSA, which has had the repellant photos since the killer first stored them, did not notice them until after the attack?


What if liberty is our birthright and cannot be taken away by government without a jury trial? What if the NSA’s allies in government wrongly and foolishly think that the surrender of privacy to America’s 60,000 domestic spies somehow keeps us safe?

What if the genius of the Constitution — if followed — is not only its protection of privacy but also its requirement that the government focus its searches and seizures on people who it has reason to suspect are engaged in criminal activity and about whom judges have ratified the evidence to support those suspicions? What if the Constitution requires the government to leave the rest of us alone?
What if the government stinks at keeping us safe but is very good at invading our privacy?

What if this bulk surveillance is about power and control and not about safety? What if the NSA has selectively leaked what it knows about some folks for political purposes? What if President Trump himself and his former national security adviser have been victims of those leaks?

What if the use of intelligence data for political purposes and not for safety is a profound danger to democracy? What if government can’t keep us safe? What if we falsely think that it does keep us safe? What if that delusion makes us less safe? What if government’s bulk acquisition of private data makes us less free? What if government works not for us but for itself? What do we do about it?

Originally Reprinted with the author’s permission.

As I said from the beginning: read American, think British and then answer the last question:
What if government works not for us but for itself? What do we do about it?
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AND ANOTHER THING

Who/Where is the British judge who ought to have written this?

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IMPORTANT NOTICE

We now have Common Law Courts in the UK and trial by jury.

To assist in the restoration of our common law rights and our justice system, we now call on everyone to record their birth details with the Common Law Court. This facility is free of charge.
Click on this link to submit your details  

 
In addition to recording birth details, the Common Law Court offers the opportunity to ‘Reclaim Your Name.’ The LEGAL FICTION was created without your knowledge, without full disclosure and unlawfully. The Government have been using this fiction  throughout your life to deceive you.

Click on this link to submit your application 


Now is the time to take a stand. If we wish to return the Rule of Law, we must stand together and use the Common Law Court. 


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